by George Masnick Fellow |
The
Census Bureau recently released 2012 population estimates for cities and towns to complement the 2012 population estimates for metropolitan areas released in March. With these two sets o f data it is possible to
examine the split between primary city and suburban population growth
trends. My favorite blogger about census
data, Bill Frey of the Brookings Institution, quickly released a commentary
on these new data with the lead sentences: “Big cities could be making a growth comeback
after a rocky decade. Their growth rates are rising and, for the second year in
a row, they are growing faster than their surrounding suburbs.”
He goes on to note that: “Among
the 51 metropolitan areas with more than one million residents, 24 saw their
cities grow faster than their suburbs from 2011 to 2012. That was true of just
8 metro areas from 2000 to 2010. Metropolitan areas exhibiting the largest city
growth advantages included Atlanta, Charlotte, Denver, and Washington, D.C.”
Frey
based his analysis entirely on growth rates, but it is the growth numbers
that are more relevant for understanding city versus suburban housing
demand. When population growth numbers
are examined, only 12 metros had greater numerical growth in the cities versus
in their suburbs. Only seven metros on Frey’s list of 24 cities with higher growth
rates than their suburbs also had higher numerical growth (Austin, Columbus,
Louisville, Nashville, New Orleans, New York and San Diego). Cumulatively, overall suburban population
growth in the nation’s 51 largest metro areas outstripped overall primary city
growth for 2011-2012 by a ratio of almost 2:1 (Table 1). Atlanta,
Charlotte, Denver, and Washington, DC, the four metro areas Frey singled out
for their large city growth advantage, had suburban growth numbers that
exceeded city growth numbers in 2011-2012. (Click table to enlarge.)
Sources: http://www.census.gov/popest/data/metro/totals/2012/index.html
http://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/population/cb13-94.html
http://www.census.gov/newsroom/releases/archives/population/cb13-94.html
**
Abbreviated name. Primary
cities are defined as the metropolitan area’s largest city and up to two
additional cities with populations exceeding 100,000.
Nor
are the places where cities have a numerical growth advantage necessarily
trending to increase that advantage. Of the 12 metros where cities had more
absolute growth in 2010-11, six didn't sustain that advantage in 2011-12, and
four saw a decline in the advantage.
Only two metros had city growth advantages that increased in 2011-2012
(data not shown).
The
key to explaining the differences between growth rates and growth numbers, of
course, is the fact that for most large metro areas the suburbs have more
people than the cities. Of the nation’s
51 largest metro areas, only five had greater primary city populations in 2012. Three are sprawling metros located in the
South and West (Austin, San Antonio and Jacksonville), and the remaining two in
this category butt up against other metros and geological barriers to suburban
growth (San Jose and Virginia Beach).
The vast majority of suburbs contain more population than primary
cities, with Atlanta having more than 11 times as many people living in the
suburbs; Hartford, Orlando, Providence, and St. Louis around eight times as
many, and Washington, DC over 6 times.
Percentage rates of growth calculated on such disparate population bases
are really not comparable.
Primary
city population growth has been reinforced in recent years by the aging of the echo boom into the young adult population, because young adults often move to
cities to go to college or to work. Large
gains since 2005 in the 18-34 age group have helped turn city growth rates
positive in many cases. There were 3.8
million more 18-34 year olds in 2011 than there were in 2005. Young adults who move to primary cities of
large metros have made the 18-34 age group the largest of the three age groups
plotted in Figure 1. In the suburbs of these metros, the 55+ age
group is the largest.
Source: 2010 Decennial Census. For a list of metro areas see Table 1.
There
are three main demographic drivers of population change in the suburbs of large
metropolitan areas. First, and most
important, is the aging of the suburban population. An aging population creates two pressures for
population growth to slow. The children
of these households are themselves becoming adults, fleeing the nest and often
heading for the city or to places outside of the 51 largest metro areas. As these suburban households age, deaths also
increase and births decrease.
The
second driver of suburban population growth is the housing turnover of aging
baby boomers. Household dissolution from
death or divorce could create opportunities to boost population growth from
younger and growing households who replace them. Life cycle migration out of
the suburbs of large metro areas by smaller baby boomer households as they
enter the empty-nest stage or retire from the labor force does the same. However, the Great Recession and its slow
recovery has dampened housing turnover in recent years through a variety of
mechanisms. Among the most salient of
these are high unemployment and slow wage growth; owners who would like to sell
but are underwater with their mortgages; tight mortgage lending by banks; more
people working past age 65; loss of home equity wealth that was counted on to
partly fund retirement plans; and lower immigration levels reducing housing
demand.
The
third driver of population growth in the suburbs has historically been new
housing construction that attracts in-migrants.
Again, new construction during the Great Recession and its slow recovery
has been at historic lows, and suburban growth has slowed as a
consequence.
Looking
forward, the aging of the baby boom will continue to dampen population growth
in the suburbs. Most baby boomer
households will simply age in place and decline in size. Over the next two
decades, some housing that is freed up by household dissolutions by cohorts
born before 1945 and by the oldest boomers, or by housing released by these
cohorts who do retire to other places, will help mitigate population loss in
the suburbs because those buying their houses are likely to be younger than the
sellers and have larger household sizes.
But the greatest opportunities for housing turnover in the suburbs will
not take place until baby boomer households dissolve in significant numbers beginning in 2030.
During
the next decade, some of the factors that have depressed housing turnover in
the suburbs in recent years should run their course. New housing construction will be needed to
accommodate adult population growth from aging echo boomers, and possibly the next
wave of immigrants. This should largely take place outside of primary cities -
where land is more readily available.
While I do concur with Frey’s point that large city population growth is a welcome positive for their health and vitality, I also agree with his suggestion that a rebounding housing market could lure echo boomers, immigrants, and retirees out of large cities in the future. While suburban growth rates will never approach the levels experienced in their earlier years, the suburbs should continue to grow in population now and well into the future.
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