Showing posts with label homelessness. Show all posts
Showing posts with label homelessness. Show all posts

Friday, August 11, 2017

Pay for Success: Opportunities and Challenges in Housing and Economic Development

by David Luberoff
Senior Associate
Director
Pay for Success (PFS) initiatives have received widespread attention in the United States over the past several years. These outcomes-based projects – which generally do not pay service providers and government entities until and unless they achieve certain agreed upon outcomes – hold great promise in a variety of fields, including housing and community development, notes Omar Carrillo Tinajero in a new working paper jointly published by NeighborWorks® America and the Joint Center for Housing Studies. In the paper, Carrillo, a 2016 Edward M. Gramlich Fellow, notes that PFS projects may offer important opportunities to break down funding silos, devise innovative new ways to address pressing problems, and compel providers to focus on the results of an intervention. However, he adds, “because their complexity makes them at present difficult to structure and finance, PFS projects are likely to be useful only in limited circumstances, which means the PFS model should therefore be used judiciously and carefully.” Moreover, he notes, “the interest in and discussion about PFS projects has highlighted approaches that could be carried out by the public sector without the structure of PFS arrangements.”

To better understand how this approach could be used to address housing and community development issues, Carrillo examines three projects: 
  • The Denver Supportive Housing Social Impact Bond Initiative, which focused on providing supportive housing for individuals who are both frequently in jail and often go to emergency medical services in Denver.
  • The Chronic Homelessness PFS Initiative, which aims to provide 500 units of permanent supportive housing for up to 800 of the 1,600 people currently experiencing homelessness in Massachusetts.
  • Project Welcome Home, an initiative in Santa Clara County, California focused on providing housing and supportive services for 150-200 chronically homeless individuals in the Silicon Valley over six years.
In the paper, Carrillo reviews the goals of each initiative and describes the metrics that will be used to decide whether and how much providers will be paid.  He also offers detailed descriptions about how each initiative was organized, funded, and evaluated.

The initiatives, he writes, “are promising, especially as they promote an emphasis on outcomes and begin to streamline services from various government sources.” However, he also cautions that “it is not immediately obvious that their benefits outweigh their costs,” particularly the extensive time and resources needed to develop and oversee the initiatives. He adds that it may be possible for the public-sector to adopt many PFS approaches (particularly their focus on outcomes, and the need for better data systems to measure those outcomes) without developing the complex structures and systems needed to establish and oversee an effective PFS.

“Though PFS sounds promising,” he concludes, “putting a project together can entail logistical difficulties and substantial transaction costs. Because of these challenges, the PFS model should be used judiciously. In particular, it could be a promising strategy for situations in which addressing problems requires coordination of a variety of disparate sources of public funding which, for various reasons, are difficult to use in a coordinated fashion.”

However, he adds, “we should not lose sight of the overall problem that PFS programs address: the need to provide services to as many people as possible, in the most effective way possible. It seems difficult to conceive of increased funding for these much-needed resources from the federal government, and state and local governments will continue to find themselves pressed for solutions to deliver evidence-based services. The PFS movement has pushed public-sector entities to focus more heavily on outcomes and, in doing so, to consider more multi-pronged approaches for addressing key issues.”


Tuesday, June 13, 2017

Would More Coordination Between Service Providers Help Address Youth Homelessness in Greater Boston?

by David Luberoff
Senior Associate Director
On a January night in 2015, 180,760 youth and young adults experienced homelessness, according to counts completed in communities across the country.

While the federal government aims to prevent and end youth homelessness by 2020, achieving that goal is challenging because many organizations that serve youth and young adults experiencing homelessness are small nonprofit organizations with small staffs and limited funding. As a result, providers often operate in silos, which not only leads to an inefficient use of limited resources but also makes it challenging to evaluate the community’s progress in ending youth and young adult homelessness.


In “Toward Developing a Regional Coordinated Entry System for Youth and Young Adults Experiencing Homelessness in Greater Boston” – a paper that received this year's Joint Center’s prize for the best student paper on housing – Elizabeth Ruth Wilson, who just received her Master in Public Policy from the Harvard Kennedy School (HKS), examines how Y2Y Harvard Square, a student-run shelter for young adults, could address some of these problems. Written as a Policy Analysis Exercise (PAE), HKS’ equivalent of a master’s thesis, the paper focuses on whether Y2Y, which was Wilson’s client, could improve services by working with other providers to develop a “regional coordinated entry system.”

The PAE draws on published materials, interviews, and site visits and includes case studies of five areas around the country that are planning and/or implementing coordinated entry systems designed to help providers better coordinate and improve intakes, assessments, and referrals for youth who are experiencing homelessness. Wilson found that while developing such systems can be challenging, their benefits generally outweigh their costs. In addition, after assessing three options for creating a coordinated regional system in Greater Boston, she recommended developing a system in Greater Boston modeled on the approach used in Portland/Multnomah County, Oregon, which has an entirely separate coordinated entry system that brings together four key youth and young adult providers. A similar system in Greater Boston, Wilson argued, could help improve and streamline the work of the three key entities that serve youth experiencing homelessness in Greater Boston: Y2Y, Bridge Over Troubled Waters, and Youth on Fire.



While Wilson believes creating such a system in Greater Boston “would benefit clients, providers, and the community,” she also notes doing so may be challenging “because Y2Y, Bridge, and Youth on Fire have limited capacity, use two different information systems, and have different funding requirements.” To overcome those challenges, she proposed short-term strategies for improving Y2Y’s capacity and collaboration with other providers. These efforts, she noted, can lay the foundation for transitioning to a regional coordinated entry system in the future. She also recommended that Y2Y, which is run by volunteers, hire paid, full-time managers, create an advisory board, and build a real-time analytics dashboard. In addition, Wilson suggested that Y2Y work with other providers to begin developing standardized procedures for client identification, intake, and referrals and a shared evaluation process. While these recommendations would be a major improvement, Wilson notes they “will not be sufficient to prevent and end youth and young adult homelessness.” Rather, she contends, they need to be pursued in conjunction with other efforts to increase the stock of affordable housing in Greater Boston and provide resources to assist and support those at risk of experiencing homelessness. Together, she says, “[those activities] will help ensure all youth and young adults in the [Greater Boston] community have a permanent place to call home.”

Download a copy of Elizabeth Ruth Wilson’s award-winning PAE.

The photos for this post were provided by Facing Homelessness, a nonprofit that works to reduce stigma associated with homelessness and encourages people to Just Say Hello to people they encounter who are in need, instead of just passing by. 

Wednesday, March 22, 2017

Boston Mayor Gives Annual Dunlop Lecture

by David Luberoff
Senior Associate Director
In a more two-decade career that began in the construction trades and now brings him into a host of debates about federal policies, Boston Mayor Martin J. Walsh says he’s “learned a lot about housing: how it gets built, the role it plays in working people’s lives, and the role it plays in community development.”

Walsh, who gave the Joint Center’s 17th Annual John T. Dunlop Lecture on March 20th before more than 300 people at Harvard’s Graduate School of Design, hailed the fact that, in positions that included serving as dean of Harvard’s Faculty of Arts and Sciences and as U.S. Secretary of Labor, John Dunlop “spent his career bringing together academics, government officials, workers, and labor leaders to better understand our shared challenges.” Such collaboration, “is something we could use more of today,” noted Walsh, who added, “I’ve found that kind of dialogue and collaboration to be invaluable throughout my career,” particularly when it comes to housing.



Walsh, who emerged from a crowded field to win Boston’s mayoral race in 2013, said that upon taking office, “one of the first things I confronted was what more and more people were calling a housing crisis. Rents and home prices were rising beyond middle-class, working-class, and low-income people’s budgets.”  Addressing those challenges, he said, not only required setting and achieving ambitious goals, such as building more than 50,000 additional housing units by 2030, but also doing so in ways that go beyond “simply matching housing units to the population, or meeting market-driven demand.”

Rather, he said, “the challenge is to embrace our success as a city while retaining the core values that got us here. Those values center on inclusiveness, on opportunity, on social and economic diversity. We are a community that welcomes all and leaves no one behind. These aren’t just ideals. They are pragmatic needs.” The mayor, who also spoke about city initiatives to provide more housing, reduce homelessness, and address evictions, added that those efforts further highlight “the role of housing not just in community development but also in human development.”

Turning to current debates about the federal budget and other federal policies, Walsh said the Trump administration’s recent budget proposals and other federal initiatives are “an effort to end the system of federal partnerships that date to the New Deal and Great Society commitments of the 1930s [and] the 1960s.”  Left unchecked, he said, such policies would exacerbate the already significant problem of economic inequality in Boston.  Therefore, he added, he and other mayors are actively trying “to educate people on the impacts of inequality, and advocate for solutions” such as “health care; paid family leave and affordable daycare; strong labor laws and fair tax laws; financial regulation; [and] infrastructure investments.”

While these are daunting challenges, the mayor said, “I’m still counseling confidence” because the work the city has done and continues to do puts Boston “in a good position to respond to this moment. Even if the funding arrangements we’ve built seem threatened, the relationships we’ve built are strong. They will produce new solutions and new ideas. They will bring new partners to the table.”  Those partners, he concluded, hopefully will include the many graduate and undergraduate students who attended the lecture. “We are going to need you in the years ahead,” said the mayor.


Watch Mayor Marty Walsh deliver the 2017 Dunlop Lecture.

Wednesday, January 11, 2017

The Case for Allowing Tenants and Owners to Remain in Their Homes Post-Foreclosure

by Rachel Bratt
Senior Research Fellow
Although federal guidelines allow foreclosed homes to be sold with occupants, in a recently published article in Housing Policy Debate, I report that the guidelines are largely irrelevant in practice. In fact, data obtained from HUD through a Freedom of Information Act request shows that in Fiscal Years 2010-2014, there were a total of 23,746 requests for FHA-insured foreclosed properties to be conveyed while occupied. However, only 87 of those requests—much less than one percent—were approved by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), which is part of HUD.

The data—along with interviews done with key stakeholders in Greater Boston—raise troubling questions about the extent to which HUD/FHA as well as the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) and housing-related Government Sponsored Enterprises (GSEs)—specifically, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac—are continuing to view foreclosed homes more as financial assets, whose value they seek to maximize by requiring that they be vacant when they are sold. In doing so, they ignore the fact that the buildings also are dwellings for financially strained households who, if evicted, may need additional housing subsidies as well as the fact that continued occupancy by prior owners and tenants can be part of an effective strategy to preemptively stabilize neighborhoods. 


While there have been some changes in an FHFA policy that could soften the GSEs’ “no occupants at conveyance” practice, it is not yet clear whether this will result in former owners and tenants being allowed to remain in their homes following foreclosure. More generally, several other recent policies pertaining both to the GSEs and to HUD/FHA provide reasons for optimism. However, the extent to which these translate into pro-consumer and pro-neighborhood practices is not yet known.

To enable former homeowners and tenants to continue living in their homes following a foreclosure, greater public resources and commitment are needed. Programs and financial assistance that would enable nonprofits to purchase foreclosed dwellings, then rent them back to the prior owners and tenants, and to successive low-income households, would result in a long-term source of affordable housing. Key to such a policy shift would be more detailed assessments of the ways in which HUD, FHA, FHFA and the GSEs approach their pre- and post-foreclosure mortgage relief and property disposition policies, and the various costs involved in allowing occupied conveyance vs. requiring forced displacement. It seems likely that when vulnerable, low-income households are facing the loss of their homes, other units of government may need to step in to help them find and pay for their new housing.

The long-term costs under this scenario—both financial and otherwise—are virtually certain to far outweigh a short-term, up-front investment in keeping these households in place. Absent these changes, the various agencies will continue to implement a highly problematic set of procedures that promote family instability, potentially increase homelessness, and result in vacant homes, which have adverse neighborhood impacts.

Rachel Bratt is a Senior Research Fellow of the Joint Center for Housing Studies at Harvard, and Professor Emerita, Department of Urban and Environmental Policy and Planning, at Tufts University.

Wednesday, July 13, 2016

Addressing the Housing Insecurity of Low-Income Renters

Irene Lew
Research Analyst
As our recently released 2016 State of the Nation’s Housing report highlights, rental housing affordability remains a pervasive—and growing—problem for millions of renter households in the US. The number of renter households devoting more than half of their income to housing costs (those considered severely burdened) climbed to a record high of 11.4 million in 2014. Among renter households earning under $15,000 a year, severe cost burdens are widespread, with 72 percent falling into this category. Severe cost burdens can adversely impact the housing security of very low-income households, leaving them little money left over to pay for necessities or to cover unexpected expenses. Indeed, compared to those with similar incomes who live in housing they can afford, very low-income renters paying more than half of their income on housing in 2013 were nearly two times more likely to fall behind on their rent, were at higher risk of having their utilities being shut off due to nonpayment, and were more likely to believe that they would be evicted within the next two months—all elements of housing insecurity (Figure 1).

 Click to enlarge
Notes: Very low-income refers to households with incomes no higher than 50% of area medians. Severely cost burdened refers to households that pay more than 50% of income for housing. Households with zero or negative income are assumed to be severely burdened. Rent payment(s) were missed within the previous three months. Felt under threat of eviction refers to households who reported that they were likely to be evicted within the next two months. 
Source: JCHS tabulations of HUD, 2013 American Housing Survey. 

Furthermore, very low-income renter households with children are also more likely than those without children to be housing insecure and believe that they are at risk for eviction (Figure 2). Eviction is a leading cause of homelessness for families with children living in major cities like Washington, DC, Philadelphia and Baltimore, according to the most recent US Conference of Mayors Hunger and Homelessness Survey. As I point out in a previous blog post, homelessness among people in families with children persists in the highest-cost cities even as homelessness continues to decline steadily among veterans and those with chronic patterns of homelessness.

 Click to enlarge
Notes: Very low-income refers to households with incomes no higher than 50% of area medians. Severely cost burdened refers to households that pay more than 50% of income for housing. Households with zero or negative income are assumed to be severely burdened. Rent payment(s) were missed within the previous three months. Felt under threat of eviction refers to households who reported that they were likely to be evicted within the next two months. Households with children refer to any households headed by an adult aged 18 and over with at least one child (related or unrelated). 
Source: JCHS tabulations of HUD, 2013 American Housing Survey.

Permanent federal housing subsidies that account for changes in tenant incomes, such as housing choice vouchers,  have proven to be the best option for improving housing stability, especially among homeless families exiting shelter. However, spending on federal housing assistance remains scarce, with direct housing subsidies representing just 4 percent of total discretionary funding approved by Congress in FY2015, a share that has barely budged over the past two decades.

Given the scarcity of federal funding, how can we address financial instability among low-income renters and reduce housing insecurity among this group? Enterprise recently proposed a promising master lease model program with built-in tenant savings accounts that could, without federal subsidies, improve the stability of low-income renters. Under this program, rents would remain affordable because a nonprofit or mission-driven organization would obtain long-term access to units in existing buildings through a multi-year master lease arrangement with fixed prices similar to the ones used for commercial leases. Unique to this model is a savings component in which a small amount of money from a tenant’s monthly lease payment would be allocated toward a custodial account in the tenant’s name. Tenants would not only have stable housing costs but would also be able to accumulate a savings cushion to pay for unanticipated expenses such as emergency room visits, and bounce back from income disruptions such as involuntary job loss or a significant reduction in income. In fact, a recent Urban Institute report analyzing data from the Census Bureau’s Survey of Income and Program Participation panel found that low-income families with savings of at least $2,000 to $4,999 are more financially resilient than middle-income families without any savings. Among low-income families with savings of $2,000–$4,999, just 20 percent experienced hardship after an income disruption, compared to about 30 percent among middle-income families without any savings.

However, financial issues are not the only contributor to housing insecurity among low-income households—some households may also struggle with additional challenges such as domestic violence, former incarceration, and mental health and substance abuse issues. As a result, improving housing insecurity may also require expanding access to supportive services that help address these underlying issues.

The MacArthur Foundation’s annual How Housing Matters Survey released last month confirms that a majority of Americans have a grim outlook on housing affordability—81 percent of respondents stated that they believe housing affordability is a problem in America today. Nearly seven in ten adults responded that it is more challenging to secure stable, affordable housing today than it was for previous generations. Furthermore, a recent Gallup poll found that 63 percent of renters with annual household income of less than $30,000 were worried about being able to pay their rent or other housing costs. Existing proposals to increase the number of affordable rentals built or preserved through the Low Income Housing Tax Credit program, and to reform federal rental assistance programs in order to serve more low-income households, can help alleviate the rental affordability crisis. However, it is equally important to offer programs that can help low-income renters better weather income disruptions or unexpected financial emergencies and avoid missed rent payments that can lead to eviction.

Thursday, May 26, 2016

How Much of the Homeownership Rate Decline from 2005-2015 is Due to Foreclosures?

Jonathan Spader
Senior Research
Associate
The U.S. homeownership rate declined to 63.5 percent in the first quarter of 2016, a drop of 0.3 percent from the prior quarter and 5.5 percent from its peak in 2004, according to the new homeownership rate figures released in April. [Figure 1]. This decline also appears in the seasonally-adjusted measure—which shows a decline of 0.1 percent—and follows two quarters of gains.

A natural question following this recent volatility is whether the recent downtick is the beginning of a further slide, or whether the volatility over the previous four quarters is a sign that the homeownership rate is finally levelling off. However, a comprehensive answer to these questions is beyond the scope of this blog post, other than to say that existing projections vary—for example, see Myers and Lee (2015), Urban Institute (2015), Mortgage Bankers Association (2015).

Instead, this blog post focuses on the contribution of foreclosures to the decade-long decline in the homeownership rate, assessing the extent to which slowing foreclosures may ease downward pressure on the homeownership rate.

 click to enlarge
Source: Housing Vacancy Survey

While the number of completed foreclosures has declined from its 2010 peak, it remains elevated above its pre-crisis levels [Figure 2]. According to CoreLogic data, a total of about 670,000 foreclosure sales, short sales, and deed-in-lieu transactions took place in 2015. This is down from a high of 1.4 million foreclosure completions in 2010 but well above the pre-crisis average of 228,000 foreclosure completions per year from 2000 to 2004.

Understanding the contribution of foreclosures to homeownership rate declines is therefore necessary in forming expectations about the homeownership rate in coming years. While both the CoreLogic measure of foreclosure completions and the MBA estimates of the foreclosure inventory are declining quickly, the upshot is that foreclosures could produce further homeownership rate declines in 2016 (and possibly thereafter).

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Source: JCHS tabulations. Foreclosure completions include foreclosure sales, short sales, and deed-in-lieu transactions from CoreLogic data. Foreclosure inventory from Mortgage Bankers Association data. 

Foreclosure completions, short sales, and deed-in-lieu transactions contribute to the decline in the homeownership rate to the extent that they displace homeowner households. However, precisely measuring the contribution of these transactions to changes in the number of homeowner households is hampered by data limitations. Specifically, available data on the total number of foreclosed properties do not contain reliable information about whether properties are owner-occupied at the time of the foreclosure. Our estimates of the total number of foreclosure-related homeownership exits are therefore approximations and subject to the limitations of the data. Nonetheless, they shed light on the volume of foreclosures relative to the decline in the homeownership rate between 2005 and 2015.

First, CoreLogic data identifies a total of 9.6 million foreclosure completions, deed-in-lieu transactions, and short sales between Q3 2005 and Q2 2015. However, this total includes both transactions that displaced homeowner households and foreclosures affecting investor-owned properties or second homes. If we apply the Housing Vacancy Survey’s estimate that 60.2 percent of all housing units were owner-occupied in 2005, the CoreLogic data would imply that 5.8 million homeowner households lost their homes during this period. This estimate may slightly understate the number of owner-occupied foreclosures to the extent that multi-unit properties are more likely to be renter-occupied; however, a larger concern is that investment properties are likely to be over-represented among foreclosures. As an alternative, we also apply a more conservative estimate that 50 percent of foreclosure completions affected homeowner-occupied properties, producing a lower estimate of 4.8 million foreclosures among owner-occupied properties. 

For comparison, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s Consumer Credit Panel identifies 11.5 million consumer credit reports with a new foreclosure appearing at any point between Q3 2005 and Q2 2015. However, this figure includes individuals with investment properties and second homes, as well as duplicate counts of foreclosures that appear on the records any cosigners of the mortgage. Raneri’s (2016) categorization of homeowners, vacation properties, and investment properties suggest that homeowners account for about 78.3 percent of credit bureau records with a new foreclosure during this period, suggesting that 9.0 million of the new foreclosures affected owner-occupants. Additionally, CPS data suggests that married spouses are present in 60.1 percent of homeowner households—in other words, the number of affected credit records would amount to 160.1 percent of the number of households. If we use this figure to approximate the number of cosigners, the data implies that approximately 5.6 million homeowner households experienced a new foreclosure during this period. While this estimate is a rough approximation, it is consistent with the range of 4.8-5.8 million foreclosure-related homeownership exits described above. 

Comparing these figures with the size of the decline in the homeownership rate suggests that foreclosures have played a role in the homeownership rate decline—and underscores the need for attention to continued foreclosure volumes. The Current Population Survey estimates that the United States included 125.7 million households in 2015. The estimates of 4.8-5.8 million owner-occupied foreclosures would therefore amount to 3.8-4.6 percent of all 2015 households. 

In order to compare these figures to the actual decline in the homeownership rate, the estimates must be adjusted for the presence of homeownership re-entries. Raneri (2016) uses Experian data to estimate that approximately 12.6 percent of homeowners who experienced a foreclosure or short sale between 2007 and 2015 have since re-entered homeownership. Applying this estimate, the High estimate of 5.8 million owner-occupied foreclosures would have reduced the number of homeowners in 2015 by 5.1 million, and the Low estimate of 4.8 million would have reduced the number of homeowners in 2015 by 4.2 million. The High estimate amounts to 4.0 percent of all U.S. households in 2015, and the Low estimate amounts to 3.4 percent of all U.S. households in 2015. 

Comparing these figures to the decline in the homeownership rate is not quite apples-to-apples, because many households moved in with family members or went through other types of household formations and dissolutions during the foreclosure process. Additionally, the estimates described above are very rough approximations and must be treated as such, allowing for a relatively wide margin of error. Nonetheless, this comparison suggests that owner-occupied foreclosures might explain about half or more of the decade-long homeownership rate decline. 

Figure 3 presents similar statistics for multiple age groups. The homeownership rate decline shows the percentage point difference in the age-specific homeownership rate between 2005 and 2015, showing an 11 percentage point decline among households aged 26-35 and a 10 percentage point decline among households aged 36-45. The age-specific estimates of foreclosure-related homeownership exits are calculated by apportioning the High (5.1 million) and Low (4.2 million) estimates across age groups using the age categories in Li and Goodman (2016)—which reports the age distribution in 2015 of individuals who had a new foreclosure appear on their credit record during the decade of the foreclosure crisis. 
The resulting age distribution reveals that foreclosure-related homeownership exits better explain the reduction in age-specific homeownership rates among older age cohorts than among younger age cohorts. The High and Low estimates are roughly proportional to the observed homeownership rate decline for several age groups older than age 45. In contrast, these estimates amount to only about half the size of the homeownership rate decline among households aged 36-45, and only a small share of the homeownership rate decline among households younger than 36. Because 35 year-olds in 2015 were only 25 at the peak of the housing crisis in 2005, this pattern is perhaps not surprising. Nonetheless, it highlights that the decline in the overall homeownership rate is likely due to both foreclosure-related homeownership exits and reduced homeownership entries among young households. 

 Click to enlarge
Sources: JCHS tabulations of Current Population Survey data and CoreLogic data on foreclosure completions.

The estimates described above are rough approximations and must be viewed as such. With that in mind, the findings nonetheless offer several potential insights about the role of foreclosures in the recent homeownership rate decline. First, the estimates suggest that foreclosure-related homeownership exits may explain about half or more of the decade-long homeownership rate decline. Second, and equally important, this means that foreclosures are likely to continue to put downward pressure on the homeownership rate until the foreclosure inventory clears and the volume of foreclosure completions returns to a normal level. 

Lastly, these conclusions do not mean that other factors have not also played a role; Figure 3 clearly shows that sluggish rates of homeownership entry among younger households have also contributed to the decline in the homeownership rate between 2005 and 2015. In fact, the slowdown in homeownership entries among young households has likely played an increasing role in homeownership rate declines over time—and will be central to homeownership rate changes in coming years. Instead, the focus on foreclosures in this blog is simply a reminder that foreclosure volumes have not fully dissipated as a headwind to recovery of the homeownership rate. 


Tuesday, March 1, 2016

Evicted: Confronting Some Uncomfortable Truths

Managing Director
Matthew Desmond’s new book Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City is just being released today, but it has already generated an amazing buzz which started with an article in the New Yorker a few weeks back, and has continued with reviews and commentary in major news outlets across the country. His bottom line conclusion that “without stable shelter everything else falls apart” is a message that housing advocates have long felt keenly. Given that the country’s serious housing challenges have failed to make an appearance at any Presidential debate, the substantial public attention the book is generating is profoundly important.

I got the chance to read an advance copy of the book myself and finished it this past weekend. As someone familiar with Desmond’s work and with a strong interest in trying to bring attention to the desperate straits that some 11 million renter households face by having to devote more than half their income to rent, I expected to be moved by the book’s up-close-and-personal depiction of struggling renters in Milwaukee. While I was certainly moved, what I didn’t expect was how challenged I would be by Desmond’s account.

The Joint Center for Housing Studies has for many years been documenting both the magnitude and consequences of a lack of affordable housing through meticulous analysis of national survey data to help fuel the policy debate. But while numbers may inform the head, they don’t move the heart and so by themselves have a hard time moving the needle on policy. Housing advocates have come to appreciate the importance of personal stories in putting a face on the numbers. The Make Room campaign, launched by Enterprise Community Partners in the past year, is a particularly effective attempt at documenting powerful stories of struggling renters to help sway hearts as well as minds.

Desmond’s stories are also powerful, but in a very different way. The Enterprise campaign focuses on people who have been undone by sickness and other life events outside their control, who struggle to make a decent living, not from lack of trying, but by a lack of good paying jobs. In contrast, Evicted largely tells the story of people who are dealing with what often seem like self-inflicted wounds—drug addiction and questionable choices about how they spend what little money they have, people who are prone to violence and seem to make only sporadic attempts to work. In short, while Enterprise shines on a light on the so-called ‘deserving poor,’ Desmond doesn’t shy away—in fact, seems to seek out—the “undeserving” poor; people whose own families and social networks often refuse to offer assistance.

But through the course of the book, and with the support of hundreds of footnotes that draw on the academic literature and put forth more of Desmond’s own arguments, he builds a convincing case for how the circumstances of grinding poverty lead to choices that otherwise might be hard to understand and how drug addiction and a history of abuse and deprivation exert a powerful tide that is extremely hard to escape. In short, Desmond forces readers to confront their own embedded notions of the “deserving poor.”

One of the most thought-provoking aspects of the book for me was a footnote that confronts this issue directly. Desmond notes that liberals tend to ignore the “nastier, more embarrassing aspects of poverty.” Citing William Julius Wilson, he argues that this approach will ultimately fail to garner support anyway as the public wants to see these behaviors taken into account. Lambasting this approach, Desmond writes, “There are two ways to dehumanize: the first is to strip people of all virtue; the second is to cleanse them of sin.” He’s right. We do need to construct a policy argument that accounts for the sinners as well as the saints—not least of all because no one’s a saint.

Evicted has also challenged my thinking about how the housing market operates at the lowest rungs of the ladder. On its face, the rental market would appear to fit the classic competitive model: there are many buyers and many sellers, information on rent levels is fairly easily available, and there are few barriers to becoming a landlord. Sure, rents are quite high relative to property values, but wouldn’t high maintenance costs, the very real risk of non-payment of rent, and the costs of carrying out evictions account for the high rents? Maybe in part. But the examples Desmond details suggest that, even after taking these costs of doing business into account, the returns earned by landlords are extremely high. The most telling example is the $16,900 house in relatively good condition in a stable block. The mortgage payment on such a small mortgage would be less than $100 monthly. Even with property taxes and maintenance factored in, it wouldn’t take much rent to earn a decent return. And he notes the landlord had acquired other properties for as little as $5,000.

So why aren’t these markets more competitive? One barrier to entry is the lack of access to capital by those who are looking to live in these neighborhoods. Given what’s involved in managing these properties, there may be few landlords who are willing to take on property ownership under these conditions, limiting competition. Landlords also have over a barrel those tenants with a history of eviction, a criminal record, or no visible means of support. With the need for housing so fundamental, landlords can extract the lion’s share of a household’s income. As Desmond notes, researchers have focused a great deal of attention on the provision of subsidized housing but very little on the supply of non-subsidized, low-cost rental housing where a large majority of the poor find their homes. As this book makes clear, this is a major oversight.

So what does Desmond propose as policy responses? To begin with, he advocates for an entitlement program for low-income renters to obtain housing vouchers in the private market. This proposal is actually not that radical, as the Bipartisan Policy Center Housing Commission made this same recommendation. There is a strong case for such a policy, particularly for those at risk of homelessness who are profiled in Evicted. The short-term outcomes report by Abt Associates for the Family Options Study provides compelling evidence that providing housing vouchers to families coming out of the shelter system produces more stable living situations, reduces domestic violence and substance abuse, keeps families together, and reduces the number of school moves among children. And it achieves these results at no greater cost than the traditional assistance families receive coming out of shelters. Desmond also advocates for publicly provided legal assistance for renters in eviction hearings. Given the stories presented in Evicted, there is a clear need to level the playing field between landlords and tenants. If tenants have access to universal vouchers, landlords will have less to worry about in terms of unpaid rent.

The one part of Desmond’s recommendations that puzzled me is that he suggests relaxing housing quality standards as part of a universal voucher program to entice more landlords to participate. He argues in a footnote that in countries where such programs exist without quality standards, tenants are able to use the market power of their voucher to choose higher quality units. But given how the current system exploits renters’ vulnerabilities to accept appalling housing conditions, I would worry about leaving the market to determine this outcome.

In fact, Desmond makes a forceful case that exploitation of the poor thrives when it comes to essentials like housing and food. For that reason it might also have been useful to consider including some recommendations about expanding property ownership among those who would be less likely to exploit the poor—including the poor themselves. In cities like Milwaukee where home prices in inner city neighborhoods are so low, homeownership may be a cost-effective solution for some. More ownership of low-cost rentals by the public or non-profit sectors could also provide needed competition for for-profit landlords.

What’s also missing from his recommendations are supports beyond just rental assistance that are needed to address some of the root causes of instability, such as treatment for addiction and mental health disorders. Housing assistance is a critical step but by itself may not be sufficient to help people become stable tenants. But Desmond is focused on the housing part of the equation and so can’t be faulted for looking at all the ways we need to shore up our social safety net.

Overall, Evicted tells a powerful story and presents persuasive evidence about the fundamental importance of housing instability as a cause and a consequence of poverty, and in the process makes a compelling case for the need to foster housing stability as part of efforts to address poverty. Evicted is that rare book that will generate spirited thought and discussion not only among a general audience but also among those of us who spend a great deal of time trying to understand the critical interplay between housing affordability, poverty, and social mobility.

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On Thursday, March 3 at 6 PM The Malcom Wiener Center for Social Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School is holding a book launch event for “Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City” with author Matthew Desmond, Co-director of their Center’s Justice and Poverty Project, along with a distinguished panel. View their event flier >

Thursday, February 25, 2016

HUD Funding in the Presidential Budget Prioritizes Economic Mobility and Rental Assistance

Irene Lew
Research Analyst
Several weeks ago, President Obama released his final budget proposal to Congress. In it, the President requests $48.9 billion in gross discretionary funding for HUD—a $1.6 billion increase over the amount that Congress appropriated in FY 2016. With the exception of the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) and the public housing capital fund, HUD’s FY 2017 budget maintains or requests increases for key programs over the levels that lawmakers approved in FY 2016 (Figure 1).

Source: US Department of Housing and Urban Development, FY 2017 Congressional Justifications; White House Office of Management and Budget FY 2017 President’s Budget 

Funding for Rental Housing Assistance

More than three-quarters (78 percent) of the funding request would support 4.5 million low-income households through HUD’s three largest rental housing assistance programs: housing choice vouchers, project-based rental assistance, and public housing (through its capital and operating funds) (Figure 2).



Source: US Department of Housing and Urban Development, FY 2017 Congressional Justifications.

After several years of uncertainty in the wake of sequestration in 2013, the request of $20.8 billion for the housing choice voucher program would fully fund all voucher renewals in calendar year 2016. The request includes a 26-percent boost in administrative fees to cover public housing agencies’ (PHAs) costs to administer the voucher program under a new formula based on the recommendations of a HUD-commissioned study released last year that highlighted the underfunding of PHAs.

Meanwhile, the budget would provide a full 12 months of funding for all contracts under the project-based rental assistance program, including public housing units and privately-owned units that were converted to long-term project-based Section 8 contracts under the Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD) program. For the second straight year, HUD is seeking $50 million to expand the RAD program and remove the 185,000 unit cap on the number of public housing conversions under the first phase of RAD. Since it received Congressional authorization in 2012, RAD has been a key part of HUD’s strategy to access private capital to rehabilitate and preserve the aging public housing inventory, which has experienced a net loss of 139,000 units since 2000. Until RAD’s authorization, HUD’s public housing program was largely prohibited from accessing non-federal funding sources for making critical repairs to the stock. As of December 2015, HUD estimates that PHAs and their partners have raised over $1.7 billion through RAD to convert more than 26,000 public housing units.

With an increased emphasis on public housing RAD conversions, the request for the public housing program in FY 2016 was a marginal increase—less than 1 percent—over the FY 2016 enacted level. The budget proposes a 2 percent reduction for the public housing capital fund, which is troubling given that the public housing stock has an estimated capital needs backlog of about $26 billion, and that adequacy issues among public housing units are much more common than among other types of federally assisted and unassisted units. While RAD will help address adequacy issues in the public housing inventory, there is no guarantee that RAD funding will continue, and the ongoing disinvestment in the public housing capital repairs fund may offset gains made under RAD.

Meanwhile, the President’s budget also requests funding increases for key multifamily rental housing assistance programs administered by the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) that serve roughly 403,000 low-income households annually in rural communities, including $33 million for the Section 515 Rural Rental Housing Loans program, up 18 percent from $28 million enacted in FY 2016, and $1.4 billion for the Section 521 Rural Rental Assistance program, a modest increase (1 percent) from the FY 2016 enacted level.

Commitment to Ending Homelessness

Funding for homelessness prevention remains a priority in the President’s budget, which includes an 18 percent increase in discretionary funding over the FY 2016 enacted level for Homeless Assistance Grants. The increase will fund $25 million in new projects for homeless youth in coordination with the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), an additional 25,500 new units of permanent supportive housing targeted at the chronically homeless, and 8,000 new rapid rehousing units for homeless families. Overall, in contrast to many other HUD programs whose funding levels have declined sharply over the past decade in real terms, funding for homeless assistance grants is now 43 percent higher in FY 2016 than in FY 2006 (Figure 3).

Note: Percent change is based on dollar values that have been adjusted for inflation using the CPI-U for All Items.
Source: White House Office of Management and Budget; US Department of Housing and Urban Development FY 2017 Congressional Justifications.

Building on the findings in HUD’s recent Family Options report highlighting the effectiveness of vouchers in improving the housing stability of homeless families, the budget is seeking $88 million in discretionary funding for 10,000 new vouchers for this population. In addition to this request, the budget has also proposed $11 billion in mandatory funding for an ambitious new 10-year initiative to end homelessness among families with children. This initiative, which would be exempt from the annual Congressional appropriations process, aims to assist 555,000 families over the coming decade through a significant expansion of housing choice vouchers and rapid rehousing assistance. As I noted in a blog post last year, the reduction in family homelessness has been much smaller than among veterans and chronically homeless individuals. In fact, as of the 2015 Point-in-Time count, which estimates both the sheltered and unsheltered homeless populations on a single night every January, the number of homeless persons in families in shelter is actually 4 percent higher than in 2007.

Emphasis on Economic Mobility and Fostering Inclusive Communities

With increasing evidence that neighborhood quality matters for child development and economic prospects, including a 2015 analysis of HUD’s Moving to Opportunity demonstration program, the President’s budget has requested a $75-million funding increase for Choice Neighborhoods, and has proposed a new three-year $15 million Housing Choice Voucher Mobility Counseling Demonstration program to help HUD-assisted families move and stay in higher-opportunity neighborhoods. In a similar vein, the budget has proposed the Upward Mobility Project, a new place-based initiative that will allow states and localities to blend funding across four existing block grant programs—HHS Social Services Block Grant and Community Services Block Grant, as well as HUD's HOME and CDBG programs—to implement evidence-based policies focused on poverty reduction and neighborhood revitalization. The budget maintains HOME funding at the FY 2016 enacted level of $950 million, which is an encouraging sign for many advocates who had rallied against FY 2016 Congressional proposals calling for severe cutbacks to the program, an important source of gap financing for tax credit projects and other local affordable housing initiatives. The budget also includes a request of $300 million in mandatory funding for a Local Housing Policy Grants program to help localities and regional coalitions fund policies and programs that minimize barriers to housing development and expand housing supply and affordability.

Reflecting the impact of the Supreme Court’s decision regarding low income housing tax credit (LIHTC) allocations in Texas Department of Housing and Community Affairs vs. Inclusive Communities Project and HUD’s Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing ruling last summer, the President’s FY 2017 budget has also proposed that Qualified Allocation Plans (QAPs) for state housing finance agencies be required to include Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing (AFFH) as an explicit preference for awarding tax credits. Additionally, part of the $69 million increase requested for the public housing operating fund in FY 2017 would go toward supporting increased PHA administrative expenses associated with implementation of the new AFFH regulations.

Serving the Lowest-Income Households

According to HUD’s 2015 Worst Case Housing Needs report, just 39 affordable units are available for every 100 extremely low-income renter households (those with income no higher than 30 percent of AMI). To incentivize developers seeking tax credits to provide deeper affordability for the lowest-income households—those who often cannot afford to live in LIHTC units without additional rental assistance—the President’s budget has once again proposed an income-averaging rule for LIHTC eligibility in which the average income for a minimum 40 percent of the units in a project does not exceed 60 percent of AMI.

The National Housing Trust Fund would also help address the shortfall in units that are affordable to the lowest-income households. Originally authorized in 2008 under the Housing and Economic Recovery Act, the Housing Trust Fund is a mandatory program funded by GSE contributions that will allocate funding to states and state-designated entities for the development, rehabilitation, and preservation of housing targeted at extremely low-income households. HUD predicts that it will collect $170 million in fee assessments from Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for the fund in 2016, and an additional $136 million from the GSEs in 2017.

Preserving the Affordable Rental Stock

Despite an expansion of the voucher program, the budget included a $20 million reduction in tenant protection vouchers, which provide critical protection to residents at risk of displacement because they live in HUD-assisted units with expiring or terminating contracts. HUD notes that it will need to provide partial funding to approximately 33,500 vouchers in FY 2017 because the proposed amount of $117 million is insufficient to fund them for a full 12 months. Although HUD plans to request the full amount necessary for these voucher renewals in 2018, there is no guarantee that HUD will receive the funding it needs, putting families living in HUD-assisted units with expiring affordability contracts at risk for rent increases, eviction, or homelessness.

In addition to a requested expansion of the RAD program in order to preserve affordable stock, the President’s budget has also proposed that Section 202 Project Rental Assistance Contracts (PRACs), providing affordable rental housing to adults aged 62 and over, should also be eligible for conversion. While not part of the FY 2017 discretionary funding request, the budget has also recommended adding the preservation of federally assisted affordable housing to the other 10 criteria that state housing finance agencies are required to include in their QAPs for awarding LIHTC allocations.

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What happens from here? As the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) notes in a recent memo, the House and Senate will likely begin working on their own budget resolutions earlier than usual this year because an agreement is already in place on overall Congressional funding limits for fiscal year 2017. However, final decisions on FY 2017 appropriations will likely occur after the November elections. 

Wednesday, August 12, 2015

Despite Declines in Homelessness, Family Homelessness Persists

by Irene Lew
Research Assistant
Since the 2010 release of Opening Doors, the first federal strategic plan to end and prevent homelessness, total homelessness in the US is now down 10 percent, from about 640,500 people in 2010 to 578,400 by 2014 according to HUD’s annual Point-in-Time (PIT) counts. This decline has been driven by a significant ramp-up in federal resources devoted to ending homelessness over the past decade. Although federal investment has resulted in substantial reductions in homelessness among at-risk groups such as veterans and individuals experiencing chronic homelessness, homelessness among families has persisted.  According to HUD’s most recent PIT count, more than a third (37 percent) of the total homeless population in the US is made up of people in families, with children under the age of 18 accounting for nearly 60 percent of this group. In fact, compared to other at-risk groups, homelessness among persons in families has declined at a much slower rate since 2007 (Figure 1).

Source: US Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2014 Annual Homeless Assessment Report to Congress: Part 1- Point-in-Time Estimates of Homelessness.

Most notably, much of the decline in family homelessness in recent years has occurred among the unsheltered population (those living on the streets, in abandoned buildings, vehicles or parks), while the number of sheltered homeless people in families (those living in emergency shelters, transitional housing programs, or safe havens) continues to rise steadily (Figure 2). Nearly nine in ten homeless people in families were staying in shelters in 2014. In New York City, where homelessness has reached historic proportions, the advocacy group Coalition for the Homeless estimates that homeless families make up the majority of homeless shelter residents and that the average number of homeless families in shelters rose by 67 percent between January 2005 and January 2015.


Source: US Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2014 Annual Homeless Assessment Report to Congress: Part 1- Point-in-Time Estimates of Homelessness.

Since the end of the recession, the affordable housing shortage has continued to play a major role in rising rates of family homelessness. Between 2010 and 2014, in high-cost locations where affordable rentals are in short supply, the number of homeless people in families increased substantially: by 50 percent in the District of Columbia, 41 percent in Massachusetts, and 22 percent in New York.  The problem is acute in urban areas across the country. According to the 2014 US Conference of Mayors Hunger and Homelessness Survey, 83 percent of the 25 cities surveyed cited the lack of affordable housing as a leading cause of homelessness among families with children in cities in 2014, with over a third (39 percent) of the 25 survey cities reporting that they expected the number of homeless families to increase moderately in the coming year. Indeed, family homelessness remains concentrated in urban areas, with 45 percent of all homeless people in families living in major cities in 2014. Nearly 20 percent of homeless people in families in the US lived in New York City, which had the largest concentration of homeless people in families in the country (41,633) in 2014, followed by Los Angeles City and County in a distant second (6,229). The concentrations of homeless people in families in New York City and Los Angeles also reflect the rising market rents in these metro areas, which have forced a growing share of households to allocate higher shares of their monthly incomes to housing costs. In 2013, 32 percent of renters in the Los Angeles metro area and 30 percent of renters in the New York metro area spent more than 50 percent of their monthly household income on housing, according to the American Community Survey.

The best  housing and services interventions for assisting homeless families have been a matter of some debate. Because families typically do not face long-term episodes of homelessness—indeed, HUD’s PIT count found that just 7 percent of homeless people in families were chronically homeless in 2014—one strategy often touted as suitable for helping them has been rapid re-housing, which focuses on quickly moving families out of shelters into permanent housing through the use of short-term rental subsidies. According to the National Alliance to End Homelessness, about three-quarters of families entering shelter are able to exit quickly with little or no assistance and never return.  However, results released from HUD’s Family Options study last month found that rapid re-housing was much less effective than a permanent housing subsidy, such as a housing choice voucher, in reducing shelter usage and improving housing stability of homeless families. Rapid re-housing may not work for all families, particularly those who are struggling with a host of long-term issues that may inhibit them from securing stable employment and achieving housing stability once their rental assistance expires.

For homeless families that require more intensive psychosocial support, permanent supportive housing, which pairs affordable housing with supportive services in order to achieve long-term housing stability, may be a more appropriate strategy. Through on-site services, permanent supportive housing can address the often complex causes of homelessness among families, such as histories of domestic violence, mental illness, and substance abuse. Yet the current inventory of permanent supportive housing largely targets single adults, especially those with chronic patterns of homelessness. Although the number of permanent supportive housing beds has increased significantly since 2007, a substantial share of permanent supportive housing beds are set aside for individuals rather than families (Figure 3).  The limited availability of subsidies for the services component, as well as higher operating expenses compared to affordable housing, present challenges for expanding the supply of permanent supportive housing. However, given the rising number of homeless families, it is important for policymakers, local communities, and practitioners to collaborate on interventions that address the continuum of needs that homeless families face, whether they be in the form of short-term rental subsidies, a housing voucher or permanent supportive housing. 

Source: US Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2014 Annual Homeless Assessment Report
to Congress: Part 1.