The Continued Growth of Multigenerational Living

by Shannon Rieger
Research Assistant

A substantial number and share of older Americans are living in “multigenerational” households, according to our analysis of recently released 2015 American Community Survey (ACS) one-year population estimates. In total, 20.3 percent of all non-institutionalized adults aged 65 and over – about 9.4 million people – live in multigenerational households that include at least two generations of adults (individuals over the age of 25). The ACS data also show large differences in the prevalence and composition of multigenerational homes by age, race, and ethnicity.

The new data not only reflect the fact that there are a growing number of older Americans, but also that the share of older Americans living in multigenerational homes has been growing steadily since the 1980s. These trends are likely to continue as baby boomers age. Importantly, multigenerational living might allow some older Americans to enjoy a higher quality of life while aging in place, as an overwhelming majority of people want to do. At the same time, for some families of limited means, multigenerational living may be a financial necessity rather than a desirable living situation. Regardless of why they are choosing multigenerational living arrangements, providing families with education and support to suitably modify their homes could help these arrangements be as safe, effective, and beneficial as possible.

Who Lives in Multigenerational Homes?

About two-thirds of the 9.4 million older adults living in multigenerational homes live in households that have exactly two adult generations (usually parents and adult children aged 25 or older). The rest are in three-or-more-generation households that typically include grandparents, adult children, and grandchildren.

Trends in multigenerational living also change with age (Figure 1). The share of people living in multigenerational settings is highest for individuals in their late 20s (mostly due to adult children still living at home), then drops for those in their 30s as young adults move out and form their own households. The share rises again for people in their early 40s until peaking at about 23 percent for people in their late 50s. This “sandwich” age group includes people who are living with their adult children, those who are living with their aging parents, who often need daily support and care, and those living with both their children and aging parents.

Notes: Multigenerational households are those with least two adult generations aged 25 or older or that include grandchildren, adult children, and grandparents. Householders and parents are considered “adults” regardless of age. Other household members include extended family members (e.g. aunts, uncles, nieces, nephews) and unrelated individuals. Source: JCHS tabulations of US Census Bureau, 2015 American Community Survey 1-year Estimates. 

Because adult children move out and elderly parents pass away, the share of people living in multigenerational households declines for people who are in their 60s and early 70s. However, the share rises steadily for older adults in their mid-70s, who often are starting to face more daunting health and financial challenges. Among the oldest age groups (aged 85 and over), 27 percent – about 1.5 million people – lived in multigenerational households in 2015.

In addition to differences in age, people of color and foreign-born individuals are far more likely to live in multigenerational settings than non-Hispanic whites and people born in the United States (Figure 2). More than 25 percent of native-born blacks, Hispanics, and Asians/others aged 65 and over live in multigenerational homes, as do more than 45 percent of foreign-born in all three of these groups. In contrast, 15 percent of native-born non-Hispanic whites of the same age, and just over 20 percent of foreign-born non-Hispanic whites, live in multigenerational households. 

Notes: Whites, blacks, and Asians/others are non-Hispanic. Hispanics may be of any race. Multigenerational households are those with least two adult generations aged 25 or older or that include grandchildren, adult children, and grandparents. Householders and parents are considered “adults” regardless of age.

Source: JCHS tabulations of US Census Bureau, 2015 American Community Survey 1-year Estimates. 

A sizeable subset of these multigenerational homes include at least three generations: usually grandparents, adult children, and grandchildren living together under the same roof. Roughly ten percent of native-born blacks, Hispanics, and Asians/others aged 65 or over live in such households, along with around 25 percent of foreign-born older adults in each group. Among non-Hispanic whites, just under 4 percent of older native-born adults and 7 percent of the foreign-born live with three or more generations.

Looking forward, projected growth and demographic shifts in the older population seem likely to increase the number of multigenerational households and the share of people living in those households. The U.S. Census Bureau’s most recent population projections estimate that by 2035, about 79 million Americans will be age 65 or older, an increase of more than 30 million people in just two decades. This growth is due to the fact that the baby boom generation is getting older and because with increases in longevity more people will live well into their 80s, 90s, and beyond.  In fact, the Census Bureau projects the number of “oldest old” adults aged 85 and over to double over the next two decades.

The racial and ethnic composition of the older population will also shift markedly over the next several decades. The non-Hispanic white share of the 65-and-over population is projected to drop nearly ten percentage points to 69 percent by 2035, while the black, Hispanic, and Asian shares will rise, respectively, by 20 percent, 67 percent, and 39 percent (Figure 3). Census Bureau projections estimate that the foreign-born share of the 65 and over population will also continue to increase, growing from 13 percent in 2015 to 19 percent in 2035. Though the direction of future residential preferences among the older population is uncertain, the sheer magnitude of growth in the older population and the fact that much of the growth will be among the very old, people of color, and the foreign born suggests there will be substantial growth in multigenerational households in the coming years. 

Notes: Whites, blacks, and Asians/others are non-Hispanic. Hispanics may be of any race.   

Source: JCHS tabulations of US Census Bureau, 2014 Population Projections. 

Impacts on Housing and Services

As this growth occurs, it will be important to consider how new and existing housing stock might be designed or modified to best meet the needs of multigenerational households. Universal design features including single-floor living, zero-step entrances, and hallways and doorways wide enough to accommodate wheelchairs, walkers, or strollers can make homes more accessible for older adults with mobility limitations as well as for their young grandchildren. Flexible layouts that can change as family needs evolve, as well as the addition of semi-private spaces for each generation (such as in-law suites with separate entrances, multiple master bedrooms or kitchens, and accessory dwelling units), can also help make the housing stock better suited for multigenerational households.

While multigenerational living works well for many households, it is important to note that it is not necessarily a desirable option for every family. Rather, multigenerational living may be a financial necessity rather than an attractive housing option not only for families with lower incomes but also for moderate-income families living in higher-cost areas. Further, sharing a home with multiple generations can be challenging, particularly if the house is small, has inadequate amenities, or there are unclear or unrealistic expectations about responsibilities for both finances and personal care. Finally, informal help from family members may not be an adequate replacement for professional care, particularly for aging adults with serious health conditions. Providing families with guidance about how to live successfully in multigenerational settings, and, perhaps, with financial assistance to make home upgrades and modifications, will therefore be critical if multigenerational living is going to be an appealing, comfortable option for families of all means. While designing and carrying out such policies and programs will be challenging, such efforts have the potential to provide a more appealing and cost-effective housing option for older Americans and their families.

New Report: Aging Homeowners Drive Growth in Remodeling as Millennials Begin to Gain Footing

Homeowner spending on remodeling is expected to see healthy growth through 2025, according to Demographic Change and the Remodeling Outlook, the latest biennial report in our Improving America’s Housing series. Demographically based projections suggest that older owners will account for the majority of spending gains over the coming years as they adapt their homes to changing accessibility needs. Although slower to move into homeownership than previous generations, millennials are poised to enter the remodeling market in greater force, buying up older, more affordable homes in need of renovations.

The residential remodeling market includes spending on improvements and repairs by both homeowners and rental property owners, and reached an all-time high of $340 billion in 2015, surpassing the prior peak in 2007. [See our Interactive Infographic.] Spending by owners on improvements is expected to increase 2.0 percent per year on average through 2025 after adjusting for inflation, just below the pace of growth posted over the past two decades, and about on par with expected growth in the broader economy.

The large baby boom generation has led home improvement spending for the past twenty years, and its influence shows no signs of waning. Older homeowners will continue to dominate the remodeling market, as they make investments to age in place safely and comfortably. Expenditures by homeowners age 55 and over are expected to grow by nearly 33 percent by 2025, accounting for more than three-quarters of total gains over the decade. The share of market spending by homeowners age 55 and over is projected to reach 56 percent by 2025, up from only 31 percent in 2005.

Gen-Xers are now in their prime remodeling years, and while some are still recovering from home equity losses after the housing crash, many in this generation will undertake discretionary projects deferred during the downturn. And as younger households move into homeownership, they will supplement the already thriving improvement market.

Try the Interactive Infographic

“With national house prices rising sufficiently to help owners rebuild home equity lost during the downturn, and with both household incomes and existing home sales on the rise, we expect to see continued growth in the home improvement market,” says Kermit Baker, director of the Remodeling Futures Program at the Joint Center for Housing Studies.

Even though increasing house prices are encouraging homeowners to reinvest in their homes, they also are raising housing affordability concerns among younger buyers. Climbing mortgage interest rates and rising house prices not only make homeownership more difficult for younger households, but leave those who are able to buy with fewer resources to make improvements and repairs. And while high rents may provide an incentive to buy homes, they also make it difficult for first-time buyers to save for a downpayment.

Some demographic trends are also presenting challenges to a healthier remodeling market outlook. A disproportionate share of growth over the coming decade will be among older owners, minority owners, and households without young children; groups that traditionally spend less on home improvements.

“Despite these challenges, the remodeling industry should see numerous growth opportunities over the next decade,” says Chris Herbert, managing director of the Joint Center for Housing Studies. “Strong demand for rental housing has opened up that segment to a new wave of capital investment, and the shortage of affordable housing in much of the country makes the stock of older homes an attractive option for buyers willing to in invest in upgrades.”

Finally, as a new generation of homeowners enters the remodeling market, specialty niches focused on energy-efficiency, environmental sustainability, and healthy homes are likely to see significant growth. Home automation—encompassing everything from entertainment systems to home energy management, lighting, appliance control, and security—is also emerging as a strong growth market, particularly among younger households.

Looking ahead, there are several opportunities for further growth in the remodeling industry. The retiring baby boom generation is already boosting demand for accessibility improvements that will enable owners to remain safely in their homes as they age. Additionally, growing environmental awareness holds out promise that sustainable home improvements and energy-efficienct upgrades will continue to be among the fastest growing market segments.

Read the full report, try the Interactive Infographic, or join the conversation on Twitter with #HarvardRemodeling.

Four Challenges to Aging in Place

by Jennifer Molinsky
Senior Research Associate

Within 20 years, one in five Americans—almost 80 million people—will be older than 65 and, surveys indicate, they will want to remain in the current homes for as long as possible. However, the country currently lacks the accessible housing units and supportive social services needed to accommodate these desires.

Four challenges are particularly noteworthy, according to Projections and Implications for Housing a Growing Older Population, a recent Joint Center report which also projected that the share of households headed by someone over 65 will grow from 29.9 million today to 50 million in 2035. In particular:

• Most U.S. homes are not accessible for older people with limited mobility
• Many older Americans living at home will need long-term care, which is expensive
• Millions of older adults cannot afford their current housing units
• Older adults who live at home are often isolated

Challenge #1: Making Housing Accessible

A growing older population will mean greater numbers of households that include someone with a disability (Figure 1). Indeed, the Joint Center projects that by 2035, 17 million older households will include at least one person with a mobility disability for whom stairs, traditional bathroom layouts, and narrow doors and corridors may pose challenges, a 77 percent increase from today. Yet only 3.5 percent of US housing units offer a zero-step entrance into the home, single-floor living, and wide doorways and hallways that accommodate someone in a wheelchair.

Notes: Mobility disability is defined as difficulty walking, getting in and out of bed, and climbing one flight of stairs; self-care disability as difficulty eating, dressing, toileting, and bathing; and household activity disability as difficulty with meal preparation, food shopping, using the telephone, taking medication, money management, housework, and driving.
Source: JCHS tabulations of University of Michigan, 2014 Health and Retirement Survey.

The costs of improving safety and accessibility range from free (e.g. removing throw rugs) to costly (e.g. a new addition to enable single-floor living). Preparing ahead, at a time when the no one in the household has limited mobility disabilities, can help lower the financial and emotional cost of these changes—for example, during a bathroom remodel, adding reinforced walls can make the later addition of grab bars much simpler, while choosing a walk-in shower can eliminate the need to add one later. For some, merely identifying modification needs and finding a contractor or handyman to make changes can be daunting. Consequently, resources that can connect people to trustworthy sources to assess the home and find capable workers will be an important part of any efforts to support aging in place.

However, a sizeable share of homeowners will need financial assistance to make these changes. Today nearly 10 percent of all older homeowner households have less than $50,000 in total assets including the value of their homes. (Excluding the value of the home, 39 percent have less than $50,000.) Going forward, trends in income, wealth, and debt suggest that older adults may have even fewer assets in the future. Helping older adults with limited means finance modifications through tax credits, low- or no-interest loans, grants, or expanded Medicaid waivers for needed modifications will be important.

Renters, particularly those living in older, less accessible units, may be in more difficult straits. Even though federal law generally requires that landlords allow tenants with disabilities to make necessary changes to their units, renters—whose median wealth is only $6,000—typically must do so at their own expense. Furthermore, landlords may require the modifications be removed at renters’ expense upon leaving.

Challenge #2: Providing Long-Term Care 

The Joint Center projects that the number of older adult households in which at least one person has a self-care disability will reach 12 million by 2035; many of these households will require daily assistance with personal care if they are to stay in their homes. (This is consistent with an often-cited 2005 study by Peter Kemper, Harriet L. Komisar and Lisa Alecxih estimating that nearly 70 percent of adults who reach the age of 65 will need some form of long-term care later in life.) Indeed, this type of care is increasingly being offered in people’s homes. Nursing home usage has declined in the past two decades, a trend likely to continue as health and housing partners build partnerships to deliver care at lower cost to private residences. In addition to assistance with personal care, by 2035, we project that 27 million older Americans will need help with other household tasks such as shopping, housework, or paying bills.

Yet long-term care currently is expensive. The median monthly cost for a home health aide working five days per week is $3,813. The typical older renter could afford just two months of these services before exhausting their savings. While the median older homeowner is better situated, many have limited resources—and as noted above may need these to make modifications to their homes.

Today most assistance is provided by family members, including spouses, at least in part because of high costs. However, in the future fewer family members will be available to the next generation of older adults, because the number of households with few or no children, as well as single-person households, will rise. For individuals, factoring in the potential costs of paying for in-home support and care is an important part of planning for aging in place, but policy has a role as well in encouraging innovation of cost-effective care delivery in the home.

Challenge #3: Ensuring that Housing is Affordable 

Affordability is and is likely to remain a significant obstacle to aging in place. In 2014, 31 percent of older households were cost-burdened (i.e. they spent more than 30 of their income on housing). Holding cost-burdened shares by age, race/ethnicity, and tenure constant, the Joint Center projects that by 2035, 17.1 million older households will be housing cost-burdened, and 8.5 million of these households will be spending more than 50 percent of their income on housing.

Given lower incomes, older renters are more likely to be cost-burdened. However, with a homeownership rate approaching 80 percent for older households, owners are more numerous and make up the majority of cost-burdened older households. In particular, owners who carry mortgages into older ages—a trend that has increased over the past 20 years—are at higher risk of experiencing unaffordable housing costs. Households that are housing cost-burdened typically cope by cutting back on other necessities, such as food, healthcare, or transportation. These tradeoffs put older adults’ health at risk and limit their opportunities to engage in their communities and access needed services.

For homeowners, the challenge of high housing costs might be met with prudent and early financial planning, reverse mortgages or refinancing, relief from property taxes, or help increasing home energy efficiency and lowering utility costs. Renters have fewer options, as rental subsidies are in short supply. By 2035 the Joint Center projects that the number of older adults eligible for rental housing subsidies will grow to 7.6 million from just under 4 million today. Currently the nation provides subsidies to only about one-third of those eligible; simply maintaining this level for seniors in 2035 would require providing subsidies to an additional 1.3 million households, which would more than double the number of older people who are being assisted today.

Challenge #4: Reducing Isolation

Ensuring older households are able to connect with their neighbors and access services in their communities and beyond is as critical to aging in place as preparing one’s home and finances. One can be isolated anywhere, even in a city if streets are perceived as unsafe, or if friends or needed services are not nearby. There are, however, ways to capitalize on a localized population of older adults to deliver services, through organizations like “villages” or those that serve naturally occurring retirement communities (NORCs), such as large apartment complexes that are home to significant numbers of older people.

Isolation is a particular concern for those aging in low-density and rural locales. The new study found that that just under half of older households are located in areas of metro regions with less than one housing unit per acre, or outside metro regions entirely (Figure 2). When older adults curtail or give up driving—a share that exceeds 50 percent for those in their mid-80s and above—people living in these locations can be particularly isolated.

Notes: Areas are defined as census tracts. High-density metro areas have at least 2028 housing units per square mile; medium-density metro areas have between 644 and 2028 housing units per square mile; and low-density metro areas have less than 644 housing units per square mile. Connected and isolated non-metro areas are defined using USDA Rural-Urban Commuting Area codes.
Source: JCHS tabulations of 2010-2014 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates and USDA Rural-Urban Commuting Area codes.

Alternative transportation, such as paratransit or car-share services, as well as technology that enables virtual medical appointments and social interaction, will be key. But individuals in these lower density areas, and the organizations and governments that serve them, will need to consider how to expand programs to ensure older adults can access services and remain engaged in their communities.

Moving Forward

These challenges do not mean that aging in place is an impractical or an unworthy goal, but rather that there is much planning to be done at both the individual and societal level. Educating households about the financial and physical challenges they might face if they remain in their current home and the options available to address them is an important first step. So is ensuring that local governments understand and plan for the challenges their older residents will likely face.

For some, though, alternatives to a current residence may prove to offer a higher quality of life. Therefore, we also need to create new housing options that offer accessibility features, are located near to shopping and services (or in a multifamily building that provides services), offer flexible space (perhaps including space that can be occupied by caregivers if needed), and are aimed at a people with range of incomes, including low-income renters. Developing housing with these features in the centers or downtowns of small towns and suburbs where older adults already live can provide alternatives that allow longtime residents to maintain ties to their communities. Since one in three US households will be headed by an older adult within 20 years (up from one in five today), we need to start taking these and other steps as soon as possible.

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Jennifer Molinsky will be a panelist at our March 6 event Housing and Policy in an Aging America. This event will be free and open to the public.

New Report: Number of Older Adults in the US Expected to Surge, Highlighting Need for Accessible Housing and Policy Improvements

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By 2035, more than one in five people in the US will be aged 65 and older and one in three households will be headed by someone in that age group, according to our new report, Projections and Implications for Housing a Growing Population: Older Adults 2015-2035, released today. This growth will increase the demand for affordable, accessible housing that is well connected to services beyond what current supply can meet.

As the baby boom generation ages, the US population aged 65 and over is expected to grow from 48 million to 79 million, and the number of households headed by someone over 65 will increase by 66 percent, to nearly 50 million. This growth will increase the demand for housing units with universal design elements such as zero-step entrances, single-floor living, and wide halls and doorways.  However, only 3.5 percent of homes offer all three of these features.

“The housing implications of this surge in the older adult population are many,” says Chris Herbert, managing director of the Joint Center. “and call for innovative approaches to respond to growing need for housing that is affordable, accessible and linked to supportive services that will grow exponentially over the next two decades.”

In the coming years, many older adults will have the financial means to pay for appropriate housing and supportive services that allow them to live longer in their own homes. However, many others will face financial hardships, particularly because their incomes will decline in retirement. Low-income renters are particularly vulnerable, notes the report, which projects that nearly 6.4 million low-income renters will be paying more than 30 percent of their income for housing by 2035. The report adds that 11 million homeowners will be also be in this position by that time. In total, the report estimates, 8.6 million people will be paying more than half their income for housing by 2035. The report also projects that 7.6 million older adults will have incomes that would qualify them for federal rental subsidies by 2035, an increase of 90 percent from 2013. “Today, however, we only serve one-third of those who qualify for assistance,” says Jennifer Molinsky, a senior research associate at the Joint Center and lead author of the report. “Just continuing at this rate—which would be a stretch—would leave 4.9 million people to find affordable housing in the private market.”

The report notes that in many surveys, older adults express a strong desire to live at home for as long as possible. Achieving that goal will require public and private action to support modifications to existing homes, take steps to address the affordability challenges facing both owners and renters, and adapting the health care system to enhance service delivery in the home. There is also a need to expand the range of housing options available to better meet the needs of an aging population and improve options for older adults to remain in their community when their current home is no longer suitable. 

“The implications of our aging US population on the housing industry are unambiguous,” says Lisa Marsh Ryerson, President of AARP Foundation, which provided funding for the report. “It will be imperative, in the coming years, that the housing industry, policymakers, and individuals take action to address the need for housing that will enable millions of older adults in this country to live with security, dignity, and independence.”

Read the full report

Join the conversation on Twitter: #harvardhousingreport

As Baby Boomers Age, Older Single Women Will Face the Greatest Housing Challenges

Shannon Rieger
Research Assistant

While high-quality, age-friendly, affordable housing will be a critical need for all of America’s growing number of aging households, for two reasons, the needs of older single women require particular attention for policymakers, providers, and others.

First, because women generally outlive their male spouses or partners, they will continue to be a major share of all older households. Women living alone already comprise 44 percent of all households (and three-quarters of all single-person households) where the householder is age 80 or over (Figure 1). Such women—particularly women who rent rather than own their homes—are among those older people who are most at risk of housing, financial, and health insecurity as they age.

Source: JCHS tabulations of 2014 American Community Survey data.

These challenges are one aspect of a larger demographic transformation that will occur over the next several decades as the aging of the baby boomer generation and increases in longevity swell the elderly American population. The US Census Bureau projects that the population aged 65 and over will reach 79 million by 2035, an increase of more than 30 million in just two decades (Figure 2). Further, longer life expectancy could nearly double the number of individuals aged 85 and over to 12 million by 2035.

Source: US Census Bureau 2015 Population Estimates and 2014 National Population Projections.

This so-called “Silver Tsunami” has already begun to reshape housing needs across the nation, generating demand for accessible, affordable housing that can help older households age safely and comfortably in place. As people age, finding the resources to make age-friendly home modifications, to pay for assistance with daily activities and self-care, or even keep up with housing payments often becomes increasingly difficult. The risk of falling into financial and housing insecurity grows when households cross into their retirement years (age 65), as incomes begin to drop dramatically while out-of-pocket health care expenditures rise (Figure 3). While some households may be able to adequately supplement shrinking incomes with retirement savings, home equity, and other forms of wealth, a recent report from the Employee Benefit Research Institute shows that many households on the verge of retirement today have insufficient savings to independently finance their retirement years.

Source: Median household income derived from JCHS analysis of 2014 American Community Survey Data. Out-of-pocket personal health care spending data derived from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services’ National Health Expenditure Data, 2012 Age and Gender Tables.

Some aging households are particularly vulnerable to the consequences of financial insecurity and loss of independence. Older individuals who live by themselves, for example, often have neither the option to seek help with daily activities or unexpected emergencies from another person in the home, nor the financial cushion of a second income from a spouse or housemate. Women are disproportionately impacted. Older women, who are more likely to live alone in later life, continue to have lower lifetime earnings than their male peers, and are also more likely than men to need expensive long-term care. As a result, single women are projected to experience the largest retirement savings shortfalls over the next several decades.

Single older women who rent rather than own their homes are most at risk of falling into housing and financial insecurity. Older renters lack housing equity and typically also have far lower overall net worth than older owners, leaving many unable to sufficiently bolster limited retirement incomes with financial reserves. Analysis of the most recent Survey of Consumer Finances data shows median net worth for renters age 65 and over to be just $6,150—a mere 2.4 percent of median net worth for owners of the same age. For single older women renters, median net worth is even lower—just $3,910—and the risk of financial insecurity is especially high, intensified by comparatively lower incomes and even higher housing cost burdens than older renters overall (Figure 4). In 2014, annual median income for single women renters age 65+ was just $15,600. Meanwhile, fully 63 percent had a housing cost burden, with 38 percent paying at least 50 percent of their income toward housing. This combination of high housing cost burdens, low incomes, and little net wealth mean that older single women renters have few resources left to pay for assistance with self-care and other needs. But with median annual costs for non-residential long-term care ranging from $17,680 for adult day health care to $45,760 for full-time homemaker services, formal care is far out of reach for many single older women. With the aging of the baby boomer generation poised to increase the number of single older women living alone to unprecedented proportions over the next several decades, finding ways to mitigate housing and financial instability among this most vulnerable group is fast becoming a critical need.

Source: JCHS tabulations of 2013 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) and 2014 American Community Survey (ACS) data. Dollars are nominal.

Notes: "Moderate" burden is defined as housing costs of 30-50 percent of income. "Severe" burden is defined as housing costs of more than 50 percent of income. Due to survey design differences between SCF and ACS, "single women renters" refers to single-person female-headed households for data describing median household income and housing cost burdens, and to women whose marital status is "single" for data describing median net worth.

As previous Joint Center work has highlighted, our aging population will re-shape housing demand across the nation over the next several decades, greatly increasing the need for affordable, accessible, age-friendly housing. Ensuring that older single women, especially renters, have access to high-quality housing and home care will require particular attention, given their low incomes, low wealth, high likelihood of need for care, and the absence of a spouse, partner, or other household member able to provide daily assistance in the home. As the older population grows in coming years, it will be critical for policymakers and providers to take special care to ensure that our nation’s most vulnerable older households—particularly older single women—have access to tools that can help them age safely and successfully in their own homes and communities. Such tools may include affordable rental options and in-home care and homemaking services, as well as loan and grant assistance opportunities for age-friendly home modifications. Finding ways to expand access to these and other solutions will be critical to protecting the health, happiness, and well-being of our aging population today and in years to come.

What Can Measures of Residual Income Tell Us About Affordability?

Shannon Rieger

Research Assistant

JCHS analysis of American Community Survey data in our recent State of the Nation's Housing indicates that the share of households with housing cost burdens—those paying 30 percent or more of income toward housing—has increased since the turn of the 21st century (Figure 1). Rising cost burdens have hit low-income households especially hard: among households with annual incomes under $15,000, 83.4 percent had housing cost burdens in 2014, with 70 percent facing severe cost burdens—paying at least 50 percent of income toward housing.

This changing distribution of housing cost burdens clearly indicates that housing affordability has become more of a problem for a larger share of households in recent years. However, cost burden measures alone provide limited insight into the extent to which housing costs constrain a household’s resources, capacity to save, and overall financial wellbeing. To answer these questions, we need an additional way to measure housing affordability. This blog post therefore constructs measures of residual income after housing costs using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES) to examine the extent to which rising housing cost burdens have eroded households’ ability to afford other basic costs of living during the first years of the 21st century.

Source: JCHS tabulations of 2001 and 2014 1-Year American Community Survey data.

This discussion examines average residual income for consumer units that participated in the Consumer Expenditure Survey between years 2000 and 2013. For simplicity, we use the term “household” to refer to the CES-defined consumer units, which are occasionally smaller than households in cases where financially independent families or roommates live in the same housing unit. Dollars are adjusted for inflation using CPI-U All Items Less Shelter, a deflator neutral to housing cost increases. To account for the introduction of income imputation in 2004, we analyze reported (non-imputed) rather than imputed income data even in years where imputed data is available, and limit our sample to complete income reporters.

Analysis of CES data confirms that rising housing cost burdens are the result of countervailing trends in housing expenditures and incomes (Figure 2). Households in every income quartile spent more on housing in 2013 than in 2000, with households in the bottom income quartile experiencing the steepest increases. For the bottom income quartile, average housing expenditures climbed almost 20 percent over the period. The second quartile saw more moderate but still sizeable increases of just over 10 percent, and the two upper income quartiles each spent an average of 6 percent more on housing in 2013 than in 2000.

While housing expenditures were on the rise between 2000 and 2013 for all income quartiles, real income growth trended in opposite directions during the same period for households at the top and bottom of the income ladder. Analysis of CES data indicates that real average income fell by almost 4 percent for the lowest income quartile, while the highest income quartile saw average income grow by fully 10 percent—more than offsetting concurrent increases in housing expenditures.

Notes: Adjusted to 2013 Dollars using CPI-U All Items Less Shelter. Top and bottom 2.5% of incomes are excluded. Incomes are non-imputed annual incomes for complete reporter consumer units only.
Source: JCHS tabulations of Consumer Expenditure Survey data.

These divergent trends in housing expenditures and incomes have produced a widening residual income inequality gap. For all but the highest income quartile, the average amount of residual income remaining after paying for housing has declined, with households in the lowest income quartile seeing the sharpest declines (Figure 3). The lowest-income households already had very little monthly residual income in 2000 ($575 per month), yet by 2013, residual income had fallen even farther, to just $423 per month—a decline of over 26 percent in real terms. As these figures show, between 2000 and 2013 all but the highest income households became less able to afford basic costs of living after paying for housing.

Figure 3: Average Monthly Residual Income after Housing, 2013 Dollars

	2000	2013	Percent Change
Lowest Quartile	$575	$423	-26.4
Second Quartile	$1,879	$1,809	-3.7
Third Quartile	$3,980	$3,958	-0.6
Fourth Quartile	$8,017	$8,886	+10.8

Notes: Adjusted to 2013 Dollars using CPI-U All Items Less Shelter. Top and bottom 2.5% of incomes are excluded. Incomes are non-imputed annual incomes for complete reporter consumer units only.
Source: JCHS tabulations of Consumer Expenditure Survey data

The hardships associated with housing cost increases may be particularly severe for low-income seniors, single parents, individuals with disabilities, and other households with fixed incomes or necessary expenditures on healthcare, childcare, or other basic needs. For example, analysis of CES data indicates that in 2013, while a household in the first income quartile headed by an individual under the age of 65 paid an average of $166 per month in healthcare costs, a senior-headed household in the first quartile paid more than one and a half times that, averaging $275 per month. After accounting for housing costs, a senior household in the first income quartile had just $519 left to finance all other costs of living—meaning that in 2013, the average low-income senior household paid more than half their residual income toward healthcare. As these figures illustrate, rising housing costs do not carry similar consequences for all households. Instead, households with the least cushion in their budgets are the most vulnerable to increases in the cost of housing.

The use of residual income measures highlights the implications of rising housing costs for household budgets, shedding light on the extent to which rising housing costs have exacerbated the consequences of growing income inequality. As the figures above show, income growth stagnated or declined for all but the highest income households between 2000 and 2013. At the same time, households with the lowest incomes experienced the largest percentage change in their housing costs, compounding the effects of the income trends. The upshot is that lower-income households have become less able to afford not only housing, but also all other non-housing costs of living since the turn of the 21st century.

Enterprise and JCHS Project Renter Burdens in 2025

by Chris Herbert
Managing Director, JCHS

and by Andrew Jakabovics
Sr Director, Policy Development & Research
Enterprise Community Partners

Earlier today, Enterprise Community Partners and the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies released Projecting Trends in Severely Cost-Burdened Renters: 2015–2025, which examines how demographic and economic trends over the next decade are likely to affect the near record number of renters with severe housing cost burdens—that is, paying more than half their income in rent. The bottom line: assuming current economic conditions remain constant, we expect demographic trends alone to increase the number of severely cost-burdened renters by 11 percent to 13.1 million in 2025, up from 11.8 million in 2015. On the other hand, if current trends continue, where rent gains outpace income growth, the number could reach 14.8 million. Even in the unlikely event that the next decade sees sustained gains in incomes relative to rents, the number would decline only slightly. In short, the renter affordability crisis is unlikely to abate and is more likely to get a whole lot worse.

Since the start of the 2000s, the U.S. has seen an astounding growth in severely cost-burdened renters, from 7.0 million in 2000 to 11.3 million in 2013. Several factors have contributed to this growing housing affordability crisis. Over this whole period, rents have been growing faster than incomes, and since the housing crash the homeownership rate has been plunging, producing record growth in renter households. With supply struggling to keep up with demand, rental markets have tightened, further exacerbating affordability challenges. There simply has not been enough affordable rental housing to meet growing needs, particularly among low- and moderate-income households.

Given these troubling trends, Enterprise and the Joint Center set out to assess whether the rising tide of renters struggling to find housing they could afford was likely to abate. The starting point for these projections are Census Bureau population estimates that call for an increase in the adult population in the U.S. of 24.6 million between 2015 and 2025. The Joint Center estimates that the expansion in population will result in the formation of 12.4 million net new households, of which at least 4.2 million will be renters. From these estimates, we then project how many households will be severely rent burdened in 2025 under differing assumptions about real changes in income and rent levels.

In our baseline scenario (where both rents and incomes grow in line with inflation, set at 2 percent), we find that demographic trends alone would raise the number of severely burdened renter households by 11 percent to 13.1 million. In addition to the baseline model, we run four alternative scenarios where annual income growth exceeds rent growth by 0.25 percentage point increments (topping out at 3 percent annual income growth versus 2 percent rent growth), as well as four scenarios where rent growth exceeds income growth in 0.25 percentage point increments. We find that for each ¼ increment in rent gains relative to incomes, there will an increase of 400,000 more severely burdened renters.

Under the most extreme case tested where rents outpace incomes by a full percentage point, we would see a 25 percent increase in cost burdened renters over the next decade. Conversely, for each quarter point gain in incomes relative to rents there would be a decrease in severely burdened renters of 360,000. But given the demographically-driven increases that are expected, even in the case that income growth is a full percentage point higher per year than rents, the number of severely burdened renters would only fall by 169,000 relative to today’s levels—hardly any progress at all.

Figure 1:

*Notes: Severe burdens are defined as housing costs of more than 50% of household income. Base case assumes 2% annual growth in rents and incomes in 2015-2025. Lowest-burden scenario increases annual income growth rate to 3% while holding income growth of 2%.

It’s also worth noting the unlikelihood that income growth will exceed rent growth by 1 percent every year for the next 10 years. Since 2001, changes in rents have consistently outpaced incomes, and that trend has only continued since the Great Recession. We do not anticipate income and rent trends to change drastically over the next 10 years, thus reducing the likelihood that the number of severely cost burdened renters will fall.

We also analyzed the distribution of impacted households by age, race/ethnicity, and household type. The baseline scenario highlights the significant influence of two broad demographic trends on housing affordability: the rapid aging of the population and the growing racial and ethnic diversity of younger households. When breaking the data out by age, the largest shares of burden would be among older adults and millennials. Among older adults, the number of severely burdened households aged 65-74 and those aged 75 and older are expected to rise by 42 percent and 39 percent respectively. These numbers illustrate a critical need for elderly housing and services that help individuals age in place.

Hispanic households are projected to have a 27 percent increase in severe renter burdens under the baseline scenario, which is the highest rate among any race/ethnicity. Given the Hispanic population’s projected growth in the U.S., this finding is not surprising. Following Hispanic households are Asians and other non-black minorities at 23 percent and non-Hispanic blacks at 11 percent, compared to only a 0.5 percent increase for white households. Hispanics account for a large share of gains in burdened households under all our scenarios, although if rents continue to grow faster than incomes, whites will account for a larger share of the rise. Under the most optimistic scenario where incomes grow faster than rents by a full percentage point, the number of severely burdened minority renters will still increase by 435,000, offsetting a small decline among white.

Finally, when analyzing the findings by household type, under all scenarios the largest growth rate is expected to be among married couples without children—attributable to the baby boomer–driven growth in older couples whose children have grown up and moved out. This is followed by the millennial-driven growth in the number of married couples with children, and the growth in single-person households, who account for the largest absolute increase in burdened households primarily driven by older adults who are more likely to live alone as they age.

Overall, these projections lead to the sobering conclusion that severe renter burdens are likely to worsen over the next 10 years, particularly for older people, non-white households, married couples and single people. As it is, only about one if four income eligible households receive housing assistance today. Our projections indicate that this share will only get lower if more isn’t done to meet this burgeoning need. Given these findings, it is critical for policymakers at all levels of government to prioritize the preservation of existing affordable housing and expand supports for additional housing assistance to keep up with the need that is likely to continue to grow.

Learn more about our findings in the full paper, Projecting Trends in Severely Cost-Burdened Renters: 2015-2025.

For Housing Demographers It’s All About the Data – But Sometimes the Data Come Up Woefully Short

by George Masnick
Senior Research Fellow

Housing demographers are often frustrated by data that range from inconsistent to totally unavailable when attempting to research demographic and housing trends. The inconsistencies between various data sources on estimates of household numbers and household growth, vacancy rates, and homeownership rates are well documented and continue to be dissected and discussed, but there are other metrics that have been even more elusive to pin down that would help enormously to better understand today’s demographic/economic trends and their housing implications.

Two broad areas of housing consumption are particularly difficult to measure.  The first concerns the doubling up of generations living in a single residence.  The second is the opposite – when a single household lives in more than one housing unit on a regular basis. 

We would like to be able to answer many questions about the increasing trend of young adults who live with their parents. We have also identified a growing trend of grandparents who live with their grandchildren (and in many cases the grandchildren’s parent or parents as well) but we cannot identify grandparents who might not live with their grandchildren but live close by and provide support in childrearing.  We would like to know more about how delayed marriage/partnering, and divorce/remarriage, affect housing consumption of multiple units.

For the most part, existing data cannot tell us what actually takes place in the housing history of specific households over time as individuals age and change their household configurations, marital/partnership status, and employment/income profiles.  Most difficult to measure are the linkages between generations in structuring patterns of geographic mobility (affecting both those who move and those who do not move in order to be close to family), young adult household formation, and housing consumption across the age spectrum.

Data sets that do have information about life-course household transitions and some information about relationships between generations rarely have any data on housing.  Data sets that have housing information lack information about life-course changes preceding and during current occupancy.  Information about extended family members that do not reside in the household being interviewed is generally totally lacking.

We would like to know not only how many adult children presently live with their parents, but how many have boomeranged and the type of housing boomerang children moved out of when they moved back home.  How often does moving back home occur for specific households, and how long does it last?  Short spells of returning home presumably have much different consequences than long ones.  Chronic returns might have very different causes and consequences than one-off situations.  Returns to large houses with higher-income parents have different consequences than returns to small homes having low household income. 

We would like to know more about the background details of children when they leave a parental household – reasons for leaving, characteristics of housing (on both ends of the move), and, household size and composition (again on both ends of the move).  Are boomerang kids and their household/housing characteristics different from those who leave and do not return?  This information would be immensely helpful in better understanding the present and future housing consumption of those Millennials who have been slow to form independent households and become homeowners.  

Ideally, answers to the kinds of questions just raised require panel data that track individuals and their housing over time.  The few nationally representative panel surveys with public use micro data, such as the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) or the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), have limited housing data.  And even these surveys have historically been deficient on the collection of data on individuals and their extended families: the PSID has collected data at regular intervals since 1968, but only in 2013 added a Family Roster and Transfer Module in which respondents and their spouses are asked to enumerate all living parents and children over 18 and to report about recent and long-term transfers of time and money to these individuals.  The new PSID module is the first to fully enumerate all biological, adopted, and step-relationships of parents, parents-in-law, and adult children, and it is the first major data collection effort on transfers of time and money in the PSID since 1988.

Other efforts to assemble panel data to directly study co-residence patterns between adult children and parents, such as in a recent Federal Reserve Bank of New York Report (utilizing its own Consumer Credit Panel (CCP)) are neither a nationally representative sample of all households nor available to other researchers, raising concerns about the reliability of the data. For example, the CCP data set reports a much higher rate of co-residence than other data sources such as the Current Population Survey.  Still, because of the scarcity of panel data to answer some of our questions, data sets the FRBNY CCP cannot be entirely dismissed.

Another reason for growing inter-generational co-residence is the need to support and take care of grandchildren.  Increasing grandparent-grandchild co-residence certainly has important consequences for housing choices, further postponing independent household formation among some Millennials, and perhaps delaying downsizing among the Baby Boomer grandparents.  We would like to know if older Americans who live close to their grandchildren are different from grandparents who live with their grandchildren.  Do they also play financial and childcare roles with respect to their grandchildren?  Are retirees more likely to move to be close to their children if their grandchildren are young?  Does the existence of young grandchildren make retirement moves that put greater distance between them and their grandchildren, or that are to age restricted communities, less probable?  Do older empty nesters with young grandchildren actually downsize less than those with older grandchildren? 

Available data on the rise of co-resident grandparents and their grandchildren are mostly from cross-sectional surveys, like the Current Population Survey, and are biased toward intergenerational families where those in the first wave of Millennials had their children relatively quickly, often while teenagers or still in school, or when not yet absorbed into the labor force.  Such early births are more likely to be to parents without a college education and to be non-marital.  The large and growing share of Millennials who pursue higher education are more likely to postpone childbearing (thus postponing grandparenthood for many Baby Boomers) and their births are more likely to be marital.  Will first grandchildren who come along later in life, when their parents are older and more economically secure and their grandparents are more likely to be retired, be more or less likely live with grandparents?  Live close to their grandparents?   

Unfortunately, nationally representative data that allow us to identify who is even a non-coresident grandparent are practically non-existent.  The sole exception is from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), a longitudinal survey following panels of households for 2½-to-4 years, which for three of its panels has asked if a person has any biological children and if those children, in turn, have any biological or adopted children.  The SIPP data overlook persons who are not biological grandparents but are grandparents through marriage, either as stepparents themselves or who became a grandparent when their children partnered with someone who already has children, but has not adopted them.

Analyses of SIPP data on grandparents have been published for the 2001 panel, the 2004 panel, and the 2008 panel.  A 2014 panel is now in the process of data collection.  These data estimate that there were 64 million grandparents in 2009 (second wave questionnaire of the 2008 panel), of which one-in-ten lived with their grandchildren. According to these data, only 22 percent of co-resident grandparents were over the age of 70 compared to 34 percent of grandparents who did not live with grandchildren. We have little insight into proximity of these non-coresident grandparents to their children and the housing choices they have made if they have recently moved.

One additional panel survey that collects data to answer questions about grandparents is the University ofMichigan’s Health and Retirement Study (HRS).  It does allow identification of all grandparents, co-resident grandparents, reasons for moving, and does have some housing data, but it is somewhat limited by a sample design that selects particular birth cohorts.  Still, more analysis of these data, collected annually from 1992 to 1996 and on alternate years since, can help us better answer some of our questions.  

Shifting gears, how people utilize multiple housing units (their own and/or other’s) at different times during the week, month, or year is almost a complete mystery.  We would like to know more about middle-aged and older people who sometimes dwell in two or more housing units while maintaining control of each.  There is a catch-all category of households in some data sets identifying people who have a primary or usual residence elsewhere, and this category has been growing in recent years.  However, households interviewed at their primary residence are not asked if they sometimes live in another home, and data are not collected about the characteristics of that home and the reasons for living in it.  Are grandparents spending some time living with their grandchildren on a regular basis, or buying or renting a residence that they occupy occasionally to be close to their young grandchildren?  Are retirees who once lived close by their young grandchildren retaining a previous residence for a longer period of time to facilitate occasional visiting after retirement migration?  Are more adult children still living in retirees’ previous homes after they retire and move elsewhere?

We would also like to know how long individuals maintain an active consumption of multiple housing units when they change jobs or form new relationships.  Is “living together” increasingly less a status and more a process that could involve two or more housing units over an extended period of time?  Is the rise of long-distance telecommuting predicated on being able to spend some time in two or more locations, and is it the case that housing units in multiple places are owned or rented to facilitate this?  If people are now better able to rent out or share housing with others on a part-time basis (for example, through VRBO and Airbnb), are they more likely to maintain multiple units for their own occasional use? 

  

Until panel surveys from nationally representative samples collect data on life-course transitions, on intergenerational relationships, and on housing consumption more broadly defined, analysts will continue to try to research trends with data that are usually inadequate to the task, and to have questions that simply cannot be answered.

Aging Society and Inaccessible Housing Stock Suggest Growing Need for Remodeling

by Abbe Will
Research Analyst

Over the coming decades, the number and share of U.S. households age 65 and over will rise dramatically as the oldest members of the baby-boom generation reach retirement age. Inevitably, with increasing age comes the growing presence of disability and problems using components of the home without assistance. Surely, some aging households will look to move into homes that are better suited to their changing needs, but the majority of older households continue to plan to “age in place.” Since much of the housing stock is currently ill-equipped with even basic accessibility features, older homeowners aging in place will need to invest in retrofitting their homes in order to age comfortably and safely. New research released by the Joint Center sheds light on the implications of an aging society for the home improvement market by analyzing the remodeling activity by older owners and estimating the projected demand for and supply of homes with basic accessibility features in the near future.

Older homeowners have already been exerting significant influence on the home remodeling market due to changing trends in longevity, mobility, wealth, homeownership rates, and labor force participation. Since 2007, the share of total market spending for home improvements by owners age 55 and over has increased considerably, from less than a third to nearly a half by 2013. Reaching $90 billion in 2013, spending by older owners was just 6 percent less than during the last market peak in 2007 and for the first time surpassed the share and level of spending by middle-age homeowners. Combining historical spending data from the American Housing Survey with recent consumer housing survey data of expected spending from the Demand Institute suggests that total improvement expenditure by older homeowners could surge by an additional $17 billion annually over the next three years.

The Joint Center estimates that of the over 25 million households age 65 and over today, 44 percent have some need for home accessibility features due to disability or difficulty using components of the home, such as kitchen or bathroom facilities, without assistance (Figure 1). And yet the current housing stock is not especially equipped to meet the accessibility needs of an aging nation, as not even a third of homes have what could be considered basic accessibility features, such as a no-step entry and bedroom and full bathroom on the entry level (Figure 2). Although 45 percent of older homeowners plan to undertake improvement projects in the next several years with the intent of making their homes easier to live in as they age, surprisingly few owners are focused on home accessibility as part of aging in place comfortably and safely. Given the attitudes of today’s older homeowners, the remodeling industry will need to bridge a substantial mismatch between owners’ wanting to age in place and their actually being able to do so safely with appropriate accessibility features.

Note: Households with accessibility need are defined as those with a disabled member or members with serious difficulties using components of the home without assistance. For more detail, see Appendix A in Abbe Will, Aging in Place: Implications for Remodeling, JCHS Working Paper, July 2015. Source: JCHS tabulations of HUD, American Housing Survey.

Note: Basic accessibility features are defined as a no-step entry and bedroom and full bathroom on the entry level of the home. Source: JCHS tabulations of HUD, American Housing Survey.

As the number and share of older households rise sharply over the coming decade, construction of new housing with basic accessibility features is projected to fall considerably short of increased demand in the Northeast and Midwest regions of the country. Fully 40 percent of the net gain in households age 65 and older with accessibility needs in these regions is projected to have unmet demand, suggesting the need for significant retrofit spending on existing homes to narrow this supply-demand gap (Figure 3). Older households in the South and West regions of the country are already better accommodated for aging in place, with relatively more homes in these regions having basic accessibility features, and this trend is not expected to change over the coming decade. Ultimately, the dramatically rising number of older households aging in place, strong and growing home improvement spending by older owners, and the unsuitability of the current housing stock for safely and comfortably aging in place all support the expectation for substantial growth in demand for homes with accessibility features moving forward.

Note: Basic accessibility features include a no-step entry and bedroom and full bathroom on the entry level of the home. Source: Abbe Will, Aging in Place: Implications for Remodeling, JCHS Working Paper, July 2015.